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BISHOP JEREMY TAYLOR'S FUNERAL HATCHMENT

IN THE MIDDLE CHURCH, BALLINDERRY
TREVOR NEILL
Interior of the Middle Church, Ballinderry, largely unchanged since the seventeenth century. (Photograph courtesy of Middle Church, Ballinderry).
Interior of the Middle Church, Ballinderry, largely unchanged since the seventeenth century. (Photograph courtesy of Middle Church, Ballinderry).

The Middle Church, Ballinderry, Co. Antrim, sometimes known as Bishop Jeremy Taylor Church, is well known as being a fine example of a seventeenth century church.1 It retains all its original features, including lighting by candles. Because of this latter, its use is confined to the summer months for Evening Service. Its three tier pulpit, box pews, stone floor and unrendered walls have remained basically unaltered since its erection over three hundred years ago. Although it fell into disuse after the new Parish Church was built at Upper Ballinderry in 1824, it was restored by Mrs. Walkington of Oatlands, Upper Ballinderry, in memory of her husband and was re-opened on 9 October 1902 by Bishop T. J. Wetland, Bishop of the Diocese. 

Besides the features mentioned above, there is an additional one which appears to have gone u attached to the south wall. This has been regarded, over the years, as being the coat of arms of Bishop Taylor (1613-67). It is, however, something rather different, being in fact the Bishop's funeral hatchment,

Funeral hatchments were used to proclaim the death of a member of a titled or landed family and were emblazoned with the arms of the deceased person. Diamond shaped canvasses in large black wooden frames, hatchments in fact served a twofold purpose, not only denoting a death but also indicating the sex, rank and marital status of the deceased. Marriage alliances, for example, were always shown on them. Furthermore, when the hatchment was that of a married person leaving a surviving spouse, the canvas behind the deceased person's arms was painted black, and that behind the surviving person's arms painted white. When the person commemorated was widowed or unmarried, the background was all black. Women's hatchments were distinguished by the use of a lozenge, instead of a shield, to display the coat of arms. Rank was denoted by the use of various coronets appropriate to the degree of peerage and by helmets of varying style for squires, baronets or knights.  

The custom of displaying coats of arms in connection with funerals dates from the early days of heraldry, but the diamond shaped canvas in a wooden frame -the hatchment - was apparently introduced into Britain, from Holland, about the Restoration. The word itself is a corruption of achievement, which means a coat of arms with all its appropriate accessories, such as helmet, crest, mantling and so on.

Bishop Jeremy Taylor's funeral hatchment in the Middle Church, Ballinderry.

Hatchments remained in fashion for about two hundred years. During the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth, their use was general among the titled and landed classes. Normally, they remained hanging on a house front for about a year after a funeral. As a rule, the residences of all armigerous persons were adorned with them upon a death.

When the twelve month period of mourning had elapsed, it was usual (especially in country parishes) for the hatchment to be removed from the house front and placed in the parish church. There, it was hung near the deceased's memorial or place of burial, or in the family chapel, if such existed. In the case of Bishop Taylor, he was buried in Dromore Cathedral, the rebuilding of which had been carried out under his jurisdiction. It is believed that he originally wished to be buried in the Middle Church which, however, was not completed until the year after his death. It would seem, therefore, that a compromise was reached and his hatchment placed in the Middle Church- a building which had been erected as a direct result of his efforts. His associations with the district, and particularly with Portmore, make the with the district, and particularly with Portmore, make the siting of his hatchment in the Middle Church all the more pertinent.

In all probability, most churches had hatchments hanging in them during the seventeenth, eighteenth and part of the nineteenth centuries. Today, however, the bulk of them are gone. Many factors have contributed to their disappearance. During the period of their general use, they were objects of such everyday occurrence that little account was taken of them, and little interest evinced in their preservation. The limits of available wall space for their display may have necessitated, in some churches, the removal of old hatchments to make room for new. Furthermore, during the Victorian era of extensive church rebuilding and restoration, many hatchments were taken down and not replaced when the work was finished.

Though the hatchments now surviving are only a small percentage of those which once existed, their numbers are not inconsiderable and specimens can stiff be found, particularly in churches in England. A few are also preserved in public buildings, mansions, private houses and other secular edifices, in varying conditions.

After the College of Arms had abandoned its claim to regulate all funerals at which armorial insignia were displayed, the provision of hatchments became generally part of the business of the undertaker. The quality of the ensuing work varied considerably. In some cases, it was crude and, not infrequently, incorrect in heraldic detail. Usually, however, the work was competent, if uninspired. Occasionally, though, some splendid results were achieved.

Hatchment design was at its best between 1830 and 1850, when a more restrained style than had formerly prevailed was in fashion. During the 1860s, over-simplification of design became prevalent, with hatchments showing nothing but the shield and crest, with a small motto scroll. By this time, they had begun to go out of fashion. Before the end of the century, a new hatchment hung on a house front was liable to excite comment, as something of a rarity.

The custom is not yet extinct, however, as some of the Oxford Colleges still hang a hatchment, on the death of a Warden. In Ireland, few of these interesting relics are still to be found. That in the Middle Church, Ballinderry, is an imReferences

1.  See Brian de Breffny, The Churches and Abbeys of Ireland, 1976. 
2.  Advice and assistance on hatchments kindly supplied by Michael Maclagan, Richmond Herald of Arms.

Trevor Neill is a founder member of the Society and has been Chairman since 1973. A keen and committed local historian, he is on the Museum Sub-Committee of Lisburn Museum.

 

BLACK ABBEY, THE ARCHBISHOPS OF ARMAGH 
AND THE CHURCH OF DERRYAGHY

WILLIAM KERR

A church at Derryaghy first appears as part of a system of monastic holdings which originated after the Norman conquest of England in 1066. William the Conqueror distributed land and churches which he had confiscated from the English, to a number of his followers, as a reward for services rendered. Many of these followers then made grants from their newly acquired English possessions to monasteries in Normandy, as a token of piety and gratitude. The monasteries thereupon sent a number of their monks across to England, to collect rent and tithes. That which the monks did not need for their own sustenance, they sent home to their Norman mother houses, this surplus revenue being known as an apport (Latin apportum). In some instances, these immigrant monks settled in a residence which was little more than an estate office with a chapel attached. In other cases, they founded a conventual priory, which not only collected the apport but also performed religious duties in the surrounding community.1

One such priory was founded in Somerset early in the twelfth century by monks from the Benedictine Abbey of Lonlay in Normandy, when William de Falaise, lord of the Honours2 of Stokes 3, granted to the abbey the church of St. Andrew, in the Somerset borough of Stokes. The Honour of Stokes subsequently passed by marriage to William de Curci4 -whereupon the borough and Honour became known as Stokes (or Stoke) Curci -later corrupted to Stogursey.

William's descendant, John de Courcy, who had begun the conquest of east Ulster in 1177, issued a charter5 in 1183 or 1184, granting to St. Andrew's priory in Stogursey, his family seat, `ten carrucates6 of land with all their appurtenances in the country of Lart [the Ards], that is, in the country of Maocoloqua [?], and in addition all the tithes of all my demesne from the water of Darnac [the river Ravel in south Antrim] to the water of Karlingeford [Carlingford] except the tithes from the two castles, that is, Archen (Ardkeen] and Oniah [Iveagh]:

As a result of this grant, the priory of St. Andrew of Ards, better known as the Black Abbey or Black Priory, was founded by 1204, some two miles east of Grey Abbey. This date has been established by a confirmation, issued by Pope Innocent III on 26 May 12114,7 to the prior and monks of St. Andrew of the Ards. By it, Black Abbey's possessions were defined as follows: the churches of Ynchemargic (Inishargy], Arkien [Ardkeen], Donanachti [Donaghadee], St. Andrew of Duncrow (Drumreagh], St. Nicolas in Arce [?], Kilkoikernau [Kilcolmuck], Kilbrachti [Kilbright], St. Corcani [?], Starhole [Staghreel, alias Tyrella] and Erderacheth [Derryaghy), and all the churches and ecclesiastical benefices of Modernia [Mourne] and Uuech [lveaghj, and all the churches and ecclesiastical benefices of all the demesne of John de Courci from the water of Delenard [river Ravel] to the water of Kerlingford [Caflingford] except the castle of Maincove.

Such is the first record of a church in Derryaghy. On 11 June 1204,8 the church is mentioned again, in a papal confirmation of possessions made to Stogursey priory. This confirmation, like the preceding one of 26 May 1204, deals with de Courcy's grant, but though issued only a fortnight after that to Black Abbey, is worded differently. This second one lists Stogursey's possessions as: `In Ybernia [Hibernia] in Utonia [Ulster] all the churches and ecclesiastical benefices of all the demesne of John de Curci, from the water of Dalnac [river Ravel] to the water of Kerlingerfort [Carlingford] except the castle of Maineove, ten carrucates of land in Arte [the Ards], that is, in the country of Maccollocan [?], in Dalboing [Dalboyne], that is, in Hailo (Feloagh, alias Derryvolgie] with their appurtenances and ten carrucates of land, in Kinelmolan [?] three carrucates of land.'

At some unknown point in time, the difference in de Courcy's charter and the two papal confirmations were resolved and Black Abbey's endowment was defined9 as three townlands adjacent to it. together with the rectories of four churches within the Ards - Donaghadee, lnishargy, Ballyhalbert and Ballywalter-plus Derryaghy.

It is a matter for some surprise that de County's charter and the Papal confirmation of 11 June 1204 were addressed to Stogursey, not Lonlay, its mother house. As implied earlier, Stogursey, though conventual, was in reality little more than an apport collecting agency for Lonlay. It was not an independent house, competent to receive endowments in its own right. Its possessions were Lonlay's. However, both de Courcy and the Pope appear to have ignored Lonlay, and it would seem that Stogursey went ahead with the establishment of Black Abbey - without any reference to Lonlay. (It must be stressed, however, that this is an assumption, because of lack of evidence to the contrary).

Harris, in his revision of Ware,10 states that in 1218, Hugh de Lacy made Black Abbey a cell of Lonlay. An inspection of Lonlay's records in 1985 by the Rev. Frank Bell11 corroborates 1218 as the year of the founding of Black Abbey. This leads one to assume that in that year, Lonlay, the mother house, asserted its rights to Black Abbey. Certainly, after 1204, Stogursey is never again mentioned in the context of Black Abbey-which is invariably described in such terms as `a parcel of the Abbey of Lonlay.' From about 1218, therefore, Derryaghy Church was formally the possession of the distant Norman monastery of Lonlay, but was administered by Black Abbey. Stogursey's claim to Black Abbey, initiated by de Courcy's charter of 1783 or 1184, was no more.

It is not at all clear why Derryaghy Church was included in the Papal confirmations of 26 May and 11 June 1204 and in de Courcy's grant in the first instance. After all, the distance from Black Abbey to Derryaghy was considerable, involving a hazardous journey across Strangford Lough and the swampy Lagan valley- or an even longer route around the head of the Lough! Perhaps Derryaghy's potential as a source of income outweighed the disadvantages of its remoteness. This, however, was certainly not the case by the following century, for in the taxation of 1306-7,12 the church's annual value was set at only half a mark- a stark contrast to Donaghadee, Inishargy, Ballyhalbert and Ballywalter, all valued at ten marks each. In the absence of proven evidence, one can only assume that Black Abbey chose to hold on to Derryaghy's impoverished church out of acquisitiveness or in the hope that its financial situation would improve.

The thirteenth century was not an auspicious time for Derryaghy to be the possession of a Norman monastery. In 1204, King John lost Normandy to the King of France - thereafter, the Norman monasteries were in foreign territory. Their priories in Britain and Ireland were, in effect, collecting British and Irish rents and tithes to augment - through the apport - the subjects of the French king! This situation was far from satisfactory to the English Crown, Parliament and Church. The British and Irish priories with Norman mother houses were eventually classed as alien. In 1295, Edward I began the practice, followed by his successors, of confiscating their possessions in times of war with France. Their churches and lands were accordingly farmed out to the highest bidder, although provision was made to enable them to retain their possessions, on payment of a heavy fine. Such payment, however, was often greater than their incomes and a number of them fell into debt. Throughout the fourteenth century, England and France were so often at war that the alien priories became poorer and poorer, and their mother houses not only were deprived of their banner incomes but were unable to supply monks for the priories. The English kings, for their part, were well pleased with these growing funds from the confiscations, finding them a useful revenue with which to wage war.

Black Abbey suffered constant confiscation, like any other alien priory 13 and the effect of frequently changing ownership on its appropriate 14 churches must have been very serious. Regrettably, no evidence of the effect of this survives. In 1356. Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop of Armagh 1346-60, offered to buy Black Abbey and its appurtenances from Lonlay for �200. His offer was accepted, as evidenced by a deed of assignment made by Lonlay, printed in Monasticon Anglicanum15. Fitzralph's bond to pay Lonlay the agreed sum by 1360 was copied into Primate Sweteman's Register16. The Pope agreed to the sale but the King did not signify his assent until 1365,17 five years after Fitzralph's death. At last, Black Abbey had--to all appearances--ceased to be an alien priory.

Both the Crown and Lonlay, however, reneged on their agreement and continued to treat Black Abbey as an alien priory. On the death of Primate Sweteman in 1380, the archiepiscopal temporalities18 passed into the King's hands, according to custom, and when they were returned to the Primate's successor, John Colton, they did not include Black Abbey. Close Rolls of 1391-2 19 state that in the year of Sweteman's death, Richard II granted to a monk of Lonlay `for a set rent payable at the exchequer of Ireland the priory, which is parcel of the abbey of Lonlay in Normandy, so long as the same shall be in the king's hand by reason of the war with France...' The King confirmed this arrangement in 1391. However, by this time, Primate Colton must obviously have been pressing his claim to Black Abbey with some effect, for the King ordered the monk Thomas, who was wrongfully holding Black Abbey, and the Abbot of Lonlay, to appear before the chancery in Ireland, to justify their claim. Neither appeared and the King commanded Edmund Savage, Steward of the liberty of Ulster, `to give John, now archbishop of Armagh ... livery of the Black Priory of St. Andrew in the Arde of Ulster...'20

This command might seem sufficiently final to guarantee Primate Colton secure tenure of the priory but not so! A fine roll of 1395 states `Grant to John archbishop of Armagh of the keeping of an alien cell called "le Blakepriorie of St. Andrew in Arde in Ulster," which is in the king's hand on account of the war with France to hold the same for as long as it shall remain in the king's hand for that cause, rendering 10 marks yearly at the Exchequer of Ireland. '21 So-Black Abbey was still being regarded as alien by the Crown, still subject to confiscation in time of war and released to the Primate only on payment of an annual rent.

The situation dirt not improve on the accession of Henry IV. In 1400, a fine roll committed `to John Engulard. monk of the monastery of St. Mary of Lonlay at the presentation of the abbot and convent of the said monastery instituted and inducted in the alien priory of St. Andrew in And in Ireland by the ordinary of the place, the keeping of the said priory and its rights and appurtenances; to hold the same for as long as the priory shall remain in the king's hands by reason of the war with France '22 On this particular occasion, however, insult was added to injury. Not only did the King and Lonlay ignore the Primate's ownership of Black Abbey-the Bishop of Down and Connor did likewise, by instituting John Engulard of Lonlay as prior of Black Abbey!

The curious alliance of the King and Lonlay ended in 1414, when Henry V, under pressure from Parliament, agreed that the surviving alien priories be dissolved 23 and their possessions dispersed among religious and educational institutions. The possessions and records of Storgursey Priory, fortunately, went to Eton College. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, we must assume that the Crown did not go over the head of the Primate and attempt to dispose of Black Abbey. Scanty entries in the Primatial Registers 24 suggest that the Primates were at last able to exercise their rights without interference from the Crown-if only for a limited period!

The first of these entries occurs in 1430, the last in 1456. Five entries refer to Black Abbey, two to Ballywalter and one to Derryaghy. The reference to Derryaghy bears out the low valuation of 1306-7 [half a mark], since it is recorded that in 1444, the Primate granted to John McGlynd, Official of Dromore, the chapel or grange of Derryaghy, at the low annual rent of 3s 4d. 
 

The scanty number of entries between 1430 and 1456 indicate little enough primatial activity regarding Black Abbey and its churches. During the following century, however, the Primates appear to have been completely out of the picture. An isolated note of 1524 in Cromer's Register, listing the churches in the Ards belonging to Black Abbey, seems to be merely a reminder that the Primates had rights there, rather than proof that they were playing an active role. It is possible that the constant warfare in Down during this period discouraged Primates from making a personal appearance.

The priory itself seems to have become moribund. A papal letter of 19 December 1474 says as much. `To the archdeacon of Dromore, the prior of Down and Donald Offergayl. Mandate to grant to Dermit Oconmuil abbot of the monastery of St. Mary ... the priory of the Black Monastery in Ardo .., which has been so long void that there is no certain knowledge of the mode of its voidance although a number of laymen hold possession of its fruits and which has long been without a convent of monks '25 It is strange that the Pope makes no reference to the Primates, whose purchase of Black Abbey must surely have been on record in the Vatican. The omission of any mention of the Primates and the reference to the tact that laymen were enjoying the fruits of the abbey, support the inference made above, that the Primates had indeed been ousted.

The sixteenth century saw a further erosion of primatial rights. Both Harris 26 and Archdall27 state that on the dissolution of the monasteries, Black Abbey and its possessions were seized by the Clandeboye O'Neills. On Shane O'Neill's attainder in 1569, his lands and those of his supporters, were declared forfeit to the Crown by Elizabeth I. These properties included Clandeboye and Black Abbey-so once again, Derryaghy found itself at the disposal of the Crown!

On James I's accession in 1603, he set up inquisitions28 which confirmed that Clandeboye and its monasteries and their appropriate churches were at his disposal. He also made extensive grants to various individuals, with the laudable object of restoring territory to normality. It apparently escaped his attention that Black Abbey and its lands and churches already belonged to the Primate. Derryaghy Church, being in Lower Clandeboye, was included in the grant to Sir Fulke Conway, while the four Arch churches and the Abbey itself went to Sir James Hamilton, who shared them with Sir Hugh Montgomery.

Although the Primates were not represented at any of James's inquisitions, they were fully aware of the violence which had been done to their rights. In the Armagh portion of the Visitation of Ulster in 1622, there is a note which states `Witheld by Sir Hugh Montgomery Kt and Sir James Harnylton Kt ye Black Priory of St. Andrew in the Ards, sometyme the lands of Prior Aliens and bought by one of my predecessors for the mayntenance of his successors table from the Abbot and Convent of Clonley29 in Normandy by license of King Edward the third with allowance of the poope for the some of 200 I ster paid by my predecessor in Panics Church in London wch Ptyory doth consist of three towne lands and five impropriations.' It was also noted in the record of the Visitation that Sir Fulke Conway held the great tithes of Derryaghy. The Royal Visitation of Down and Connor in 1633 makes it clear, furthermore, that Conway also held the advowson (ie., the right of presenting a clergyman to a parish), as he had presented Thomas Peers to the vicarage of Derryaghy in 161730

The usurpation of the Primate's rights finally came to an end when Lord Deputy Wentworth, in the course of his campaign for the recovery of church lands, held an enquiry into the matter in 1637, having secured the agreement of all parties to accept whatever award he made. 31 The following extracts from the award show how politic it was. `Now know ye that having heard the proofs and allegations on both sides I doe hereby order and arbitrate with consent of all the said parties that the said Lords Viscount of the Ardes and Clandeboye .., shall surrender for ever .., all their estate title interest clame and demand in and to the three townlands of Ballemonastraduff, Ballekilvilgan and Ballenamanagh and in and to the four appropriate rectories of Balliharbett [Bnllyhalbert], Inischargie White Church [Ballywalter] and Donaghadie and all other lauds tythes and hereditaments to the said Abbey or Priory belonging ... and the said Lord Archbishop with the consent of his Chapter should make and perfect lease of the said three townlands and four appropriate rectories ... to the said Lords Viscount for sixty yeares at the yearly rent of fortie pounds sterling in further consideration whereof and for arrears of rent the said Lords Viscount shall pay auto the said Lord Primate one hundred and fifty pounds sterling. And I doe further order that the said Lord Viscount Conway and Killultagh .., shall surrender to the said Lord Primate all his interest title dame and demand in and unto the appropriate Rectorie of Derryaghie and that the said Lord Archbishop shall make and perfect a lease of the said Rectorie of Derryaghie to the said Lord Viscount Conway and Killultagh ... at the yearly rent of four pounds sterling for sixtie years .. In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and seale the fifth day of August Anno Domini 1637. Wentworth.' 'the leasing and other arrangements came into force in 1639 and survived the Civil War and Commonwealth.

In this manner, the three hundred year long struggle of the Primates to assert their right to hold the rectory of Derryaghy reached a just settlement. The Primates continued to be rectors and the incumbents, vicars of Derryaghy until the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1870. Thereafter, the incumbents of Derryaghy were its rectors. So strong, however, was the force of tradition32 that until about thirty years ago, the incumbent of Derryaghy was still known to his parishioners as the Vicar and his house the Vicarage. It has taken almost a century for the old appellations to die out.

References 

1. The most useful sources for the Norman-based priories are D. Matthew, Norman Monasteries and their English Possessions, 1962 and M.M. Morgan, 'Me Suppression of the Alien Priories', History New Serves, vol. XXVI, pp. 204-212.
2. An honour is a feudal term for which no single word can be substituted. In his glossary to Henry II, Professor W.1_. Warren, Q.U.B., defines an Honour as a group of estates from which the greater tenants-in-,hief of the Crown derived their prestige and status of honour'.
3. T.D. Tremlett and N. Blakiston, cit,., Stogursey Charters, 1949, p. XIII ff. Also Victoria County History of Somerset, 1911, vol. 2, p.169.
4. Stogursey Charters, pp. XVllI -XIX.
5. The charter's text, in Latin, is printed in Stogursey Charters, pp. 50-1; also in W. Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, 1817, vol. 6, part 2, p.1123 and G.E. Hamilton `Black Abbey', Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Servo 6, vol. XI, 7921, pp. 166-7. The editors of Stogursey Charters adduce sound arguments to prove that the date of the charter was not earlier than 1183 or later than 1184.
6. A carrucate is often called a 'ploughland'. Professor W.L. Warren, Q.U.B. (see note 2) defines it as `a measurement of land, nationally as much land as would be put under the plough in one year by a plough team of eight oxen. The amount of land so described varied in different parts of the country between sixty and one hundred and twenty acres'.
7. The text of the confirmation is printed in Latin in M.P. Sheehy, Pontificia Hibernica, 1962, vol. 1, pp. 126-7.
8.  Ibid., pp. 127-9.
9. In seventeenth century inquisitions. These is now no tram of the priory, though its site is shown on the O.S, map, grid reference 608675.
10.  W. Harris, Works of James Ware concerning Ireland, (revised), 1764, vol. 1. p. 273.
11. F. Bell,'Lonlay L'Abbaye, Revisited after 800 years', Church of Ireland Gazette. 13 September 1985, p.10. See also P. Bell, `The Black Abbey. Lonlay L'Abbaye, Revisited after 800 years', Journal of the Upper Ards Historical Society. vol. 12, 1988.
12. W Reeves, Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor and Dromore, 1847, pp. 16, 18, 20, 26 and 46.
13. Calendar of Fine Rolls, 1347-5fi, pp. 361, 434-5; ibid., 1356-fift, p.10
14. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church defines appropriations as 'the practice of permanently annexing to a monastery the tithes and other endowments intended for parochial use'. Impropriation is `the assignment or annexation of an ecclesiastical benefice to a lay proprietor or corporation'.
15.  Dugdale, op. cit., note 5.
16. Swetemans's Register, folio, 16V.
17. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1364-7, p. 190.
18. Temporalities were properties and revenues granted by patrons or founders to churches or religious bodies, eg., the three townland, granted to Black Abbey were its temporalities.
19.  Calendar of Close Rolls, 1389-92. pp. 6. 473, 496
20. Ibid., pp. 21121.
21. Calendar of Fine Rolls, 1391-99, p. 197.
22. Ibid., 1399-1405, p. 55.
23. The text, in Anglo-Norman, of the plea of the Parliament to the King, that he should suppress the alien priories and the King's consent to do so, is published in E. C. Lodge and G. A. Thornton. eds., English Consntutional Documents, 1935, pp. 318-9. My thanks to Mr. N. E. Hoes, for translating the text.
24. I have used the Calendars of the Primatial Registers compiled by Reeves, typed by Leslie and preserved in the Diocesan Library of Down, Connor end Dromore.
25. Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating m Great Britain and Ireland: Papal Letters 1471-84, vol. XIII, part 1, P. 419.
26.  Harris op. cit, note 10.
27. M. Archdall, Monasticon Hibernicum, 1786, p. 110.
28. Inquisitions of Ardwhin and Antrim, 1605, and many others.
29. The original spelling in the source. Lonlay is the modern spelling.
30. I have used the copies made by Reeves of The State of the Bishopricke of Downe and Connor and of A Regal Visitation Booke of Downe and Connor Anno 1633.  Both copies are among the Reeves MSS in the Diocesan Library of Down. Comer and Dromore.
31. A true copy of the award and the Act of Council confirming it are among the Reeves MSS in the Diocesan Library of Down, Connor and Dromore.
32. It is not known when a vicar was first appointed to Derryaghy. By papal ruling, Black Abbey and then the Primate should have maintained a vicar in medieval times, but no names have survived. Thomas Peers was vicar in 1617 but an unbroken line of vicars did not begin until the visitation of John Gayer in 1707.

William Kerr is an authority on Derriaghy and together with the Very Reverend W.N.C. Barr, has published A Short History of Derriaghy, Christ Church, Derriaghy: Grave Inscriptions; The oldest Register in the Parish of Derriaghy and Ordnance Survey Memoirs for the Parish of Derriaghy
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